Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-201) and index

ia/historicaldiscor00warb.pdf

Gabriel R. Warburg

Marlboro Press, The

TriQuarterly Books

Hydra Books

United States, United States of America

1, 1992

Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-201) and index.

This book focuses on the conflicting interpretations by Egyptian, Sudanese and European writers of the history of the Nile Valley during four periods: Egypt's rule in the Sudan, 1821-85; the Mahdist state, 1885-98; the struggle for independence, 1952-5; and finally the Sudan's civil war between the dominant Muslim North and the non-Muslim South since 1955. The sources are primarily Egyptian and Sudanese, European eye-witness accounts being limited to periods when Britain played a dominant role in the Nile Valley. Egypt's quest for the "Unity of the Nile Valley" led to that unity being portrayed in Egyptian historical writings as the natural outcome of geographic, economic and cultural factors. Her expansion, at the behest of her weak and primitive southern neighbor, bringing progress and civilization to the Sudan, became part of that legacy. Both the Mahdist revolt and the Condominium were portrayed by Egyptian writers as unwelcome interruptions of that unity and blamed primarily on British imperialism. Unity remained a central theme in Egypt's historical legacy. Sudanese writings on the same periods present a fascinating puzzle. Their assessment of Egypt's contribution to the Sudan's progress is on the whole negative and portrays Egypt's legacy in the Upper Nile Valley as one of colonialism, not unlike that of Britain in the twentieth century. The Mahdiyya, on the other hand, is viewed from Khartoum as an Islamic protest against foreign rule and credited with protonationalist aims, leading to independence. The story becomes even more involved in the twentieth century. Egyptian politicians and historians regarded unity as an inseparable part of their anti-colonial struggle. Why then didthe Sudan opt for independence rather than unity in 1955? The answer, as indicated convincingly in this study, was the inevitable outcome of the deep suspicions felt by most Sudanese towards their strong and dominating neighbor. The final part of the book concentrates on the Sudan's internal conflict. Torn by civil war since the 1950s, the country seems, at the time of this book's going to press, to be heading for an abyss. An examination of Sudanese writings by both Northern and Southern politicians, historians and men of letters reveals the misconceptions and wrong interpretations which have made a lasting solution ever more elusive. With fundamentalist-militant Islam calling the tune at the center of power in Khartoum, compromise seems all but impossible, . In the author's words, the galaxy of views presented here "clearly illustrate the fact that different people at different times present us with different versions of their own or others' histories, adding their own interpretations". The book is thus enlightening, both academically and in addressing the all too real present problems of the Sudan

This book focuses on the conflicting interpretations by Egyptian, Sudanese and European writers of the history of the Nile Valley during four periods: Egypt's rule in the Sudan, 1821-85; the Mahdist state, 1885-98; the struggle for independence, 1952-5; and finally the Sudan's civil war between the dominant Muslim North and the non-Muslim South since 1955. The sources are primarily Egyptian and Sudanese, European eye-witness accounts being limited to periods when Britain played a dominant role in the Nile Valley. Egypt's quest for the "Unity of the Nile Valley" led to that unity being portrayed in Egyptian historical writings as the natural outcome of geographic, economic and cultural factors. Her expansion, at the behest of her weak and primitive southern neighbor, bringing progress and civilization to the Sudan, became part of that legacy. Both the Mahdist revolt and the Condominium were portrayed by Egyptian writers as unwelcome interruptions of that unity and blamed primarily on British imperialism. Unity remained a central theme in Egypt's historical legacy. Sudanese writings on the same periods present a fascinating puzzle. Their assessment of Egypt's contribution to the Sudan's progress is on the whole negative and portrays Egypt's legacy in the Upper Nile Valley as one of colonialism, not unlike that of Britain in the twentieth century. The Mahdiyya, on the other hand, is viewed from Khartoum as an Islamic protest against foreign rule and credited with protonationalist aims, leading to independence. The story becomes even more involved in the twentieth century. Egyptian politicians and historians regarded unity as an inseparable part of their anti-colonial struggle. Why then did the Sudan opt for independence rather than unity in 1955? The answer, as indicated convincingly in this study, was the inevitable outcome of the deep suspicions felt by most Sudanese towards their strong and dominating neighbor. The final part of the book concentrates on the Sud

This book focuses on the conflicting interpretations by Egyptian, Sudanese and European writers of the history of the Nile Valley during four periods: Egypt's rule in the Sudan, 1821-85; the Mahdist state, 1885-98; the struggle for independence, 1952-5; and finally the Sudan's civil war between the dominant Muslim North and its non-Muslim South since 1955. The sources are primarily Egyptian and Sudanese, European eye-witness accounts being limited to a short period at the end of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. Egypt's quest for the "Unity of the Nile Valley" led to that unity being portrayed in Egyptian historical writings as the natural outcome of geographic, economic and cultural factors. Both the Mahdist Revolt and the Condominium were portrayed by Egyptian writers as unwelcome interruptions of that unity and are blamed primarily on British imperialism. Unity remained a centred theme in Egypt's historical legacy. Sudanese writings on the same periods present a fascinating puzzle. Their assessment of Egypt's contribution to the Sudan's progress is on the whole negative and portrays Egypt's legacy in the Upper Nile Valley as one of colonialism, not unlike that of Britain in the 20th century. The Mahdiyya, on the other hand, is viewed from Khartoum as an Islamic protest against foreign rule, leading eventually to independence. Deep suspicion was felt by most Sudanese towards their strong and dominating Egyptian neighbour. The final part of the book concentrates on the Sudan's internal conflict. Examination of writings by both Northern and Southern politicians, historians and men of letters reveals the misconceptions and misinterpretations that underlie this conflict and make any simple solution to the confrontation appear all but impossible

2023-06-28